Ukrainian aid projects wither as Western funding dropsNew Foto - Ukrainian aid projects wither as Western funding drops

By Elizabeth Piper KHARKIV, Ukraine (Reuters) -Playing outdoors with his friend, Ukrainian teenager Nazar was badly injured when an explosive device blew up under his feet. Despite his phone being shattered by the blast from what was apparently a discarded munition, he called an ambulance and spent months in hospital where he underwent multiple surgeries and doctors managed to save his leg. Now at home in the eastern village of Nikopol, 130 km (80 miles) south of Kharkiv city and about half that distance from the frontline of Russia's war against Ukraine, the young teen and his mother rely on overseas aid to pay for his care. "They gave us crutches, a walking frame and also a computer tablet ... But mostly it was financial aid," Yevheniia Mostova, Nazar's mother, said in mid-May of the help she received from aid group the International Rescue Committee. That money is running low, however, after U.S. President Donald Trump ordered a pause in foreign aid in January and froze operations at the U.S. Agency for International Development. "We do not know what to do next," Mostova, 36, told Reuters in Nikopol, a village of small, single-storey homes, surrounded by tidy vegetable gardens. IRC's support was central to Nazar's mental recovery too, she said, after her traumatised son spent weeks unable to communicate. She now worries about paying for Nazar's painkillers and medical creams for his leg following several skin grafts. Groups like IRC that relied on U.S. funding are reeling. Other leading donors, including Britain, are also paring back humanitarian aid as they seek savings to boost defence spending. The impact of these changes on Ukraine is particularly acute. Ukraine was by far the biggest recipient of USAID funds after Russia launched its full-scale invasion in February 2022. According to the agency's now-defunct website, it has provided Ukraine with $2.6 billion in humanitarian aid, $5 billion in development assistance and has paid $30 billion directly into Ukraine's budget since. That has all but stopped. U.S. support had been used to pay salaries of teachers and emergency workers, as well as helping Ukrainians displaced internally and overseas, de-mining and support for local media. The cuts coincide with Trump's lurch towards Russia in the war, leaving Ukraine more exposed than at any time since the early days of the full-scale invasion. Reuters spoke to eight non-governmental groups providing humanitarian services to Ukrainians, from medical aid to evacuations, as the war with Russia grinds into its fourth year. They detailed the turmoil caused by Washington's abrupt withdrawal, and cuts in funds from other countries. Two groups had laid off staff, some employees had taken salary cuts, one group has shut its Kyiv office while another is cutting back operations across Ukraine. All are downsizing significantly as funding slows. "The reduction in U.S. assistance ... has already had a critical impact on our organisation," said Dmytro Sherembei, co-founder of the 100% LIFE group, the largest patient-led organisation in Ukraine for health conditions such as HIV. Ukraine is vulnerable, "not only due to ongoing epidemics of HIV, tuberculosis, and hepatitis, but also because it is a country under active military attack ... financial support is not only vital - it is the only way to save lives," he said. EUROPE HASN'T FILLED THE GAP The Trump administration froze and then cut billions of dollars of foreign aid after taking office on January 20 to align with his "America First" policies. Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy appealed to European allies for help, but far from stepping up to fill the gap, they have also cut back humanitarian aid funding. After Trump called for Europe to shoulder more of the burden in NATO, alliance leaders backed the big increase in defence spending that he had demanded - pushing governments to hunt for savings in other areas, such as foreign aid. Britain plans to cut its aid budget to 0.3% of gross national income from 0.5% by 2027. Germany, another of the biggest donors of humanitarian aid to Ukraine, will cut its overall aid budget by almost 10% this year. "NGOs are competing for the same small pots of money available in Ukraine," said Alain Homsy, IRC's Ukraine country director in Kyiv. With frontlines stretching more than 1,000 km, and millions of Ukrainians living under the daily threat of Russian drone, missile and artillery fire, the needs are vast. U.S. funding covered around 30% of coordinated humanitarian funding plans in Ukraine in 2022, 2023 and 2024, says ACAPS, an independent project that analyses global humanitarian activity. By the end of 2024, there were 39 active USAID programmes in Ukraine, with a total budget of $4.28 billion. Just three months later, in late March 2025, only about $1.27 billion of the awards remained active, ACAPS said. Similarly, aid from Europe is declining, from 6.2 billion euros ($7.3 billion) in 2022 to 4.1 billion euros in 2023 and about 3 billion last year, according to Taro Nishikawa, project lead for the Ukraine Support Tracker at the Kiel Institute think-tank. BESIEGED VILLAGES In the village of Morozivka, occupied by Russian forces for almost seven months before being retaken by Ukraine, the oldest among some 400 residents rely on free medicine from IRC. Its mobile doctors come around once a month, bringing medications for ailments including high blood pressure and diabetes. Svitlana Basova, a 56-year-old social worker, could not access treatment during the Russian occupation. More recently, she's had regular check-ups after her joint surgery. "They treat people well, they help us, (give us) medicines and also they help psychologically," she said. The village's nurse, Yuliia Samiha, 34, says the medical support is crucial. "We don't even have a pharmacy," she said. IRC is now reviewing how to allocate its funds. Britain recently halved the budget of a project with IRC and partners to support Ukrainians with job training and safety services, said Homsy. A UK foreign ministry spokesperson said there would be "no let-up" in support for Ukraine, but acknowledged there would be an impact on specific programmes after a recent government spending review. A German government official said Ukraine was a priority, and a fall in overall aid did not necessarily mean funding for Ukraine would fall. The U.S. State Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment. For people in Samiha's small village, the idea of losing the help is hard to contemplate. The nearest hospital is some 20 km away and few of the elderly have access to private cars or any kind of regular public transport. "There are not many other options," she said. (Additional reporting by Olena Harmash in Kyiv and Thomas Escritt in Berlin; Editing by Mike Collett-White and Ros Russell)

Ukrainian aid projects wither as Western funding drops

Ukrainian aid projects wither as Western funding drops By Elizabeth Piper KHARKIV, Ukraine (Reuters) -Playing outdoors with his friend, Ukr...
What to Know About Trump's Gaza Ceasefire ProposalNew Foto - What to Know About Trump's Gaza Ceasefire Proposal

The sun sets behind destroyed buildings in Gaza on July 1, 2025. Credit - Jack Guez—AFP/Getty Images Israel is open to accepting a 60-day ceasefire, President Donald Trump announced Tuesday, urging Hamas to sign the deal that he said would pave the way for a potential "end" to the war in Gaza. Trump's announcement comes as he expects a visit from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to the White House next week. Last week, the Presidentupped the pressureon Israel and Hamas to reach an agreement that would end the war in Gaza and release the remaining Israeli hostages. It's also come a day after one of thedeadliest days in Gaza, as Israeli attacks killed more than 70 people. More than 56,000 Palestinians and more than 1,700 Israelis have been killed over the course of the war that began when Hamas attacked Israel on Oct. 7, 2023. Trump's shift infocus towards Gazafollows thetenuous ceasefirebrokeredbetween Israel and Iranin June after the U.S. joined Israel inbombing Iranian nuclear facilities. Trump may be hoping that, with a weakened Iran—one of Hamas' key allies in the region—Hamas may be pressured to accept the conditions of this ceasefire agreement. "My Representatives had a long and productive meeting with the Israelis today on Gaza. Israel has agreed to the necessary conditions to finalize the 60 Day CEASEFIRE, during which time we will work with all parties to end the War," Trumppostedon Truth Social on Tuesday evening. "I hope, for the good of the Middle East, that Hamas takes this Deal, because it will not get better — IT WILL ONLY GET WORSE." Since thestart of its war with Iranin June, Israel alsointensified its campaignin Gaza.More than 100 people have been killedin Israeli attacks this week, which included astrike on a seaside cafethat killed a Palestinian photojournalist among others,strikes on a schoolthat was sheltering displaced Palestinians, andsoldiers firing on civilians seeking aidat thecontroversialU.S.- and Israel-backed Gaza Humanitarian Foundation. Trump said that mediators Egypt and Qatar will deliver the final ceasefire proposal. The terms have not yet been publicly released, thoughreportssay it would involve Hamas releasing 10 living Israeli hostages and 18 deceased ones during the 60-day ceasefire period. There are an estimated 50 hostages still in Gaza, of whom Israel believes around half are dead. The remaining hostages would be released upon the agreement of a permanent ceasefire. Earlier Tuesday, Trump said Netanyahu "wants to" reach a ceasefire deal and teased that one would likely come next week. Israeli Minister for Strategic Affairs Ron Dermer met with Trump officials, including Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff, Tuesday, and a senior Israeli officialtoldAxios that Dermer is prepared to begin indirect talks with Hamas concerning the deal. Trumprantedover the weekend about corruption proceedings against Netanyahu in Israel, calling it "a Witch Hunt," and Netanyahu's hearings this week were postponed on the basis of classified diplomatic and security reasons. Read More:Trump Tries to 'Save' Netanyahu as Israeli PM Faces Challenges at Home Talks between Israel and Hamas have been stymied by disagreement over whether a ceasefire should include an end to the war. Hamas says a ceasefire must include the end of the war and a full withdrawal of Israel's military from the Gaza Strip, which Israel has refused. Israel says it will only end its war in exchange for the dismantling and exile of Hamas, which Hamas has refused. An offer had already been on the table. Hamas hadreportedly offeredto release all hostages in exchange for a full withdrawal of Israel's military from Gaza and an end to the war. On Sunday, Hamas official Mahmoud Mardawireportedly saidNetanyahu insisted on a temporary agreement that releases only 10 hostages. Mardawi accused Netanyahu of setting "impossible conditions aimed at thwarting the possibility of reaching a ceasefire agreement and a deal on the hostages." Previous ceasefire proposals have only been agreed to by one side or have proved short-lived. In November 2023, six weeks after the outbreak of war, Israel and Hamasbegan an initial four-day ceasefire. Hamas returned 50 Israeli hostages in exchange for the release of 150 Palestinian women and children held in Israeli prisons. Israel said it would extend the truce for the release of 10 more captives per day, but Netanyahu said he did not want a permanent ceasefire until Israel achieved his aim of dismantling Hamas. Theceasefire collapsed a week laterin December 2023 after 110 hostages and 240 Palestinians were exchanged. Talks to extend the truce further failed as Israel refused Hamas' demand for all of theroughly 10,000 Palestinian prisoners, including 400 children, to be freed, and as Hamasrefused to releasecaptive women soldiers as part of its agreement to release all women and children held in Gaza. Also that month, the U.S.vetoed a United Nations Security Council proposalto stop the war, claiming that Hamas refused to accept a two-state solution, although Hamas' 2017 charterofficially acceptsone. Hamas at the time wasreviewing a three-stage ceasefire proposalby Arab, Israeli, and U.S. negotiators that involved the release of Israeli captives, opening up of aid, and return of dead Israeli hostages in exchange for Palestinian prisoners. Netanyahuultimately rejectedthe proposal after Hamas asked for Israeli military withdrawal from Gaza, the release of at least 1,500 Palestinian prisoners, and a four-and-a-half-month ceasefire in exchange for releasing all Israeli hostages. In March 2024, the UNSCpassed a ceasefire proposalwith 14 out of 15 members voting in favor. The U.S. abstained, after earlier in Februaryvetoing another ceasefire resolutionon the basis that it would impact talks between the U.S., Egypt, Israel, and Qatar. Later, the U.S. said the UNSC resolution was "non-binding." In May 2024, Hamas agreed to a three-stage ceasefire proposal from Egypt and Qatar that involved releasing all Israeli hostages in exchange for some number of Palestinian prisoners, increasing aid into Gaza, the gradual withdrawal of Israel from Gaza, and lifting Israel's siege on Gaza since 2007. Israel, however,rejected the proposal, insteadlaunching a new military offensivein the city of Rafah. Then-President Joe Biden alsolaid out a three-phase proposalat the end of May 2024 that would include the release of Israeli hostages and a "full and complete ceasefire." But shortly after Biden announced the proposal, Netanyahu saidIsrael would not end the war"until all of its goals are achieved," including "the elimination of Hamas' military and governmental capabilities." Netanyahu said in June that hewould only accept a "partial" dealthat returns Israeli hostages in return for pausing—but not ending—the war. In August, Netanyahureportedly supportedtheterms of a so-called "bridging" proposalmeant to meet in the middle of both sides' demands after talks in Doha negotiated by the U.S., Egypt, and Qatar. Hamas, however, rejected the plan, saying its terms, which were not officially made public, includedconditions that it could not agree to, such as Israel's refusal of a full ceasefire and military withdrawal from Gaza. Instead, Hamas called for Netanyahu to sign Biden's earlier proposal. On Jan. 19, 2025, Israel and Hamasbegan a three-phase ceasefireafterdelayed talksandIsraeli military escalation. But after the first phase had been achieved, theceasefire collapsed in Marchwhen Israel launched fresh airstrikes on Gaza before declaring that it was resuming the war. It's unclear whether Trump's proposal, which Hamas has not yet agreed to, will take hold or prove more lasting than prior efforts. But domestic and international pressure has mounted on the U.S., Israel, and Hamas to bring the war in Gaza to an end as it drags into its 21st month. Over the weekend, protesters in Israel called for a deal that would free the remaining hostages in Gaza. "There's a deal on the table,"saidEinav Zangauker, the mother of one of the hostages, at the rally. "What prevents it is Netanyahu's refusal to end the war." Trump allies have suggested it is entirely on Hamas now. "Take the deal, or face the consequences," former White House physician Rep. Ronny Jackson (R, Texas)postedon X. Whether those consequences could include U.S. involvement, as wasthe case with Iran, are unclear. Trump has on multiple occasionsduring his campaignandat the start of his second-term presidencyvowed that the militant group will have "hell to pay" if it does not release all the hostages. Hamas is generally positive about the proposal, but has conditions, Hamas sources told London-based news outlet Al-Sharq Al-Awsat. Those conditions include a demand to make it more difficult for Israel to resume the war if a permanent ceasefire is not achieved by the end of the 60 days such as through the gradual release of the 10 hostages, a source involved in the negotiationstoldtheTimes of Israel. Still, while Trump has asserted that Israel is on board with a ceasefire proposal, observers suggest that may indicate the terms are unlikely to be acceptable to Hamas. "If Netanyahu has agreed to another interim deal, it's almost certainly with language that doesn't commit him to end war," Middle East analyst and former U.S. diplomat Aaron David Millerpostedon X. "The main holdup today is exactly the same as it was last year: Israel's unwillingness to permanently end the war and Hamas's refusal to accept anything less,"addedforeign policy analyst and writer Daniel DePetris. "Unless Trump has found a way to crack those two irreconcilable positions, this is all theater." Contact usatletters@time.com.

What to Know About Trump’s Gaza Ceasefire Proposal

What to Know About Trump's Gaza Ceasefire Proposal The sun sets behind destroyed buildings in Gaza on July 1, 2025. Credit - Jack Guez—A...
Russia ramps up offensives on two fronts in Ukraine as both sides seek an advantage before fallNew Foto - Russia ramps up offensives on two fronts in Ukraine as both sides seek an advantage before fall

KYIV, Ukraine (AP) — An emboldened Russia has ramped up military offensiveson two fronts in Ukraine, scattering Kyiv's precious reserve troops and threatening to expand the fighting to a new Ukrainian region as each side seeks an advantage before the fighting season wanes in the autumn. Moscow aims tomaximize its territorial gainsbefore seriouslyconsidering a full ceasefire, analysts and military commanders said. Ukraine wants to slow the Russian advance for as long as possible and extract heavy losses. Kremlin forces are steadily gaining ground in the strategic easternlogistics hub of Pokrovsk, the capture of which would hand them a major battlefield victory and bring them closer to acquiring the entireDonetsk region. The fighting there has also brought combat to the border of the neighboring Dnipropetrovsk region for the first time. In an effort to prevent Moscow from bolstering those positions in the east, Ukrainian forces are trying to pin down some of Russia's best and most battle-hardened troops hundreds of kilometers away,in the northeast Sumy region. "The best-case scenario for Ukraine," said Russian-British military historian Sergey Radchenko, "is that they're able to stall or stop the Russian advance" in the Ukrainian industrial heartlandknown as Donbas, which includes the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Then Ukraine could "use that as the basis for a ceasefire agreement." "There's a better chance for Russia to come to some kind of terms with Ukraine" in the fall when the Russians "see the extent of their offensive," Radchenko added. While the battles rage,Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyyis waiting to learn whether theTrumpadministration will support tougher sanctions against Russia and back a European idea to establish a "reassurance force" to deter Moscow. One setback camewith the U.S. decisionto halt some weapons shipments out of concern over the U.S.'s own depleted stockpiles. Ukraine faces relentless assaults in Sumy In the Sumy region, Ukrainian forces face a constant barrage of aerial glide bombs, drones and relentless assaults by small groups of Russian infantrymen. They endure the attacks to prevent Russian forces from being moved to other battlegrounds in the eastern Donetsk region. Ukrainian forces intensified their own attacks in Sumy in April and even conducted a small offensive intoRussia's neighboring Kursk regionto prevent up to 60,000 battle-hardened Russian forces from being moved to reinforce positions in the Donetsk, Zaporizhzhia and Kherson regions, Ukraine's top army commander, Gen. Oleksandr Syrskyi, said last week. If those troops had been moved, they could have increased the tempo of Russian attacks across the front line and stretched Ukrainian forces thin. The strategy did not come without criticism. Commanders who were ordered to execute it complained that it resulted in unnecessary loss of life. Russian forces have penetrated up to 7 kilometersinto the northern Sumy regionfrom different directions along the border. Ukrainian forces are determined to keep them there to avoid freeing up Russian forces to fight in the east. So far they have succeeded, locking up to 10,000 Russian troops in the Glushkovsky district of the Kursk region alone, where Ukraine maintains a small presence after being mostly forced out by Russian and North Korean troops earlier in the year. Russia seeks maximum gains in Donetsk The war's largest battle is being waged in Donetsk as Russia inches toward its stated goal of capturing all of the Donetsk and Luhansk regions. Unable to tackle the strategically significant logistical hub of Pokrovsk directly, Russian forces are attempting to encircle the city, a maneuver that requires encroaching on the borders ofthe Dnipropetrovsk region. Bringing the war to a sixth Ukrainian region would be detrimental for Ukrainian morale and give Russia more leverage in negotiations if its forces manage to carve out a foothold there. Sabotage groups have crossed the border, only to be eliminated by Ukrainian forces. But in time, commanders fear that Russia will advance as Ukraine continues to grapple with severe shortages. Lack of soldiers and supplies across the 1,200-kilometer (745-mile) front line mean that Ukrainian forces must concentrate on holding their positions and conserving resources rather than advancing, said Oleksii Makhrinskyi, deputy commander of the Da Vinci Wolves battalion. Commanders describe battles so intense under drone-saturated skies that rotating forces in and out of position has become a deadly operation. Ukrainian forces remain in combat positions for several weeks at a time or more, relying on supplies carried in by drones. The Russians' goal "is just to enter Dnipropetrovsk region, to have a good position politically if the presidents negotiate peace," said Andrii Nazerenko, a commander of the 72nd Brigade, a drone unit in eastern Ukraine, referring topotential talksbetween Zelenskyy and Russian President Vladimir Putin. "They're really close to getting what they want," he said. All eyes on Trump's next move Zelenskyy hopes U.S. President Donald Trump will move away from his administration's past ambivalence toward Ukraine and signal his intention to continue American support, a move that could also alter Moscow's calculations. The two presidentsmet last week on the sidelines of a NATO summitand discussed a possible weapons package, including Patriot missile systems that Ukraine intends to purchase with European support. The U.S. Defense Department did not specify which weapons were being held back, when they disclosed the Pentagon review of U.S. weapons stockpiles Tuesday. Zelenskyy also hopes Trump will punish Russia by imposing harsher sanctions on its energy and banking sectors, which bankroll the Kremlin's war effort. Europe and the U.S. have imposed successive sanctions on Russia since the full-scale invasion in 2022, but Zelenskyy says those measures have not been enough to pierce Moscow's war machine. He has proposed a $30 per barrel price cap on Russian oil. EU sanctions envoy David O'Sullivan said Europe needs to maintain the sanctions pressure while also "holding out the prospect that if Russia behaves correctly, we could have some kind of ceasefire and some kind of sense of negotiation, but for the moment Russia doesn't seem to want that." Kyiv's closest European allies are also awaiting a sign from Trump that he will support a plan to deploy foreign troops in Ukraine to guard against future Russian aggression after a ceasefire agreement. That is likely the best security guarantee Ukraine can hope for in lieu of NATO membership. Meanwhile on the battlefield, Russian forces appear increasingly confident. Nazerenko noticed a shift in the morale of advancing Russian infantrymen in recent months. Instead of running away while being assailed by Ukrainian drones, they keep pushing forward. Nazerenko could not help but ask a Russian prisoner, "You know you will die. Why go?" Because, the Russian soldier replied, "we will win." ___ Associated Press journalist Volodymyr Yurchuk contributed to this report.

Russia ramps up offensives on two fronts in Ukraine as both sides seek an advantage before fall

Russia ramps up offensives on two fronts in Ukraine as both sides seek an advantage before fall KYIV, Ukraine (AP) — An emboldened Russia ha...
Perez's 2-run double keys Royals over Mariners 6-3 for 2nd win in 10 gamesNew Foto - Perez's 2-run double keys Royals over Mariners 6-3 for 2nd win in 10 games

SEATTLE (AP) — Salvador Perezhit a pivotal two-run doublein the fifth inning, and the Kansas City Royals beat the Seattle Mariners 6-3 on Tuesday night for just their second win in 10 games. Perez lofted a fly ball off Emerson Hancock (3-5) thatcenter fielder Julio Rodríguez lost in the twilight skyand dropped for a two-run double. Rodríguez climbed the center-field wall, trying to rob a home run, but he misjudged the ball and it bounced to the wall as the Royals took a 5-1 lead. Ben Williamson hit an RBI double in the bottom half and scored on J.P. Crawford's singleoff Michael Lorenzen. Five relievers combined for 4 1/3 scoreless innings of one-hit relief. Lucas Erceg (3-2) entered with two on in the seventh and got a double-play grounder and a groundout, and Carlos Estévez pitched a perfect ninth for his 23rd save in 26 chances. Kansas City built a 3-0 lead on Maikel Garcia's run-scoring single in the first and a two-run second that included an RBI double by Nick Loftin, who scored when Kyle Isbel grounded into a forceout. Randy Arozarena homered in the bottom half, his 11th this season and third in four at-bats. Key moment After Angel Zerpa walked Dylan Moore starting the seventh, Cole Young grounded into a double play and Crawford grounded out. Key stat Perez moved past Alex Gordon for sixth place on the Royals hits list with 1,646. Up next Seattle RHP Logan Gilbert (2-2, 3.55) and Kansas City Noah Cameron (2-4, 2.79) started Wednesday in the third game of the four-game set. ___ AP MLB:https://apnews.com/hub/MLB

Perez’s 2-run double keys Royals over Mariners 6-3 for 2nd win in 10 games

Perez's 2-run double keys Royals over Mariners 6-3 for 2nd win in 10 games SEATTLE (AP) — Salvador Perezhit a pivotal two-run doublein t...
Alex Delvecchio, Hall of Famer and Detroit Red Wings legend, dies at 93New Foto - Alex Delvecchio, Hall of Famer and Detroit Red Wings legend, dies at 93

The last surviving star from Detroit's greatest sports dynasty, Alex Delvecchio helped the Red Wings reach the pinnacle in the 1950s, struggled mightily as they hit bottom in the 1970s and segued into an elder statesman with a retired number, a bronze statue and ceremonial roles celebrating the franchise's renaissance in the 1990s. Always popular among fans, players and press, universally heralded as one of the NHL's 100 greatest players but always considered underrated by his peers, and a three-time Lady Byng winner on the ice but a lifelong Lady Byng winner off the ice, Delvecchio died Tuesday, July 1, surrounded by his family at age 93, the team announced. The team issueda statement from Delvecchio's family on Tuesday: "Alex was more than a Hockey icon, he was a devoted husband, loving father, grandfather, great grandfather, cherished friend, and respected teammate to so many. While the world knew him as an incredible hockey player with numerous accomplishments on the ice, we knew him as someone whose humility, strength, competitiveness, kindness and heart were even greater than his professional achievements. For decades, your love and support meant everything to Alex and to all of us. We are deeply grateful and thankful to everyone." Delvecchio's hockey story parallels the nearly 100-year story of the Red Wings franchise. Delvecchio's mentor played in the first game at the Old Red Barn on Grand River and Delvecchio's statue sparkles at the state-of-the-art arena on Woodward. He had ties to the earliest days of Detroit's franchise, when it was owned by a grain and shipping magnate, and he relished its rebirth as Hockeytown, when it was owned by a pizza baron. If not for Gordie Howe, his legendary linemate known as Mr. Hockey, Delvecchio could have been Mr. Red Wing: Only Howe played in Detroit longer than Delvecchio's 24 seasons. Only Steve Yzerman was a captain in Detroit longer than Delvecchio's 12 seasons. Only Nicklas Lidstrom played more games in a career spent with a single NHL franchise than Delvecchio's 1,550. And only Howe had more points in NHL history when Delvecchio retired in 1973. "When you think of the Red Wings, you think of Howe," future Hall of Fame center Phil Esposito told Sport magazine in 1971. "But Alex is the most underrated player in the game today — underrated by everyone but the players." Delvecchio was approaching his 40th birthday at the time. Late in the 1964-65 season, his 15th in the NHL, Delvecchio recorded a point in 17 consecutive games, a Red Wings record until Yzerman broke it 23 years later. "He's like a magician with the puck," goaltender Eddie Giacomin said during a Hall of Fame career. A left-handed shot, Delvecchio played on three Stanley Cup championship teams — all in his first four full seasons, all before he turned 24. As a rookie in 1951-52, when the Wings swept Toronto and Montreal in the playoffs for the Cup, Delvecchio centered the third line. In 1953-54, on a line with Howe and Ted Lindsay, Delvecchio's nine points tied Howe for the Wings' playoff scoring lead. In 1954-55, Delvecchio scored 15 points in 11 playoff games and the first and last goal in the Cup-clinching 3-1 victory over the Canadiens in Game 7. "I felt proud to be among so many players that were true stars of the game," Delvecchio said decades later. After 1955, the Wings wouldn't win another Stanley Cup for 42 years. A dynamic skater, a gifted passer and frequently the center on the second iteration of the Production Line with Howe and Lindsay, Delvecchio also was an ironman in the NHL's Original Six days. He never missed a game from age 25 until nearly 33. During a 12-year stretch, he played in 840 of 842 possible games. In 1956-57, his seventh season, a broken ankle sidelined him for 22 games; he then missed only 14 games the last 17 seasons of his career. "You don't get hurt in this game," he once told Sport magazine, "if you keep your head up and watch what's going on around you." In the 1950s and '60s, players also lived in fear that in a six-team league, with jobs scarce, every injury jeopardized their careers. "You just didn't want anybody to come in," Delvecchio said, "because you're gone if they shine." Unlike his Hall of Fame teammates from the 1950s — when the Wings finished atop the regular-season standings eight of nine years and won four Stanley Cups — Delvecchio wasn't banished in an ill-conceived trade (like Sid Abel in 1952, Terry Sawchuk in 1955, Lindsay in 1957, Red Kelly in 1960 and Marcel Pronovost in 1965) or given a do-nothing front office title (like Howe in 1971). In the early 1970s, Delvecchio turned down a lucrative offer to join Howe and his teenaged sons Mark and Marty with the Houston Aeros in the upstart World Hockey Association. "I'd spent my whole life with the Wings," Delvecchio explained, "and, what the heck, I'd better finish with them." "He was a pure Red Wing, for sure," said Jimmy Devellano, a Hall of Fame executive for the team. "Not only was he a great player, he never went anywhere else, and he managed and coached the team." Delvecchio did think he had been traded on Nov. 7, 1973, a few weeks before his 42nd birthday. A distraught Delvecchio, coming off a stellar 71-point season, planned to retire on the spot. And he did retire that evening — because general manager Ned Harkness asked him to coach the Wings. Delvecchio agreed to take over a 2-9-1 team about to lose its top playmaker, whose skills stood out as much as he did on the ice with his salt-and-pepper hair in an era without helmets. Harkness also cut Delvecchio's $125,000 salary. Delvecchio later would call it "the most terrible job of my career." He coached for parts of four seasons and was the general manager for most of three. A decade known by Wings fans as "Darkness with Harkness" turned even worse under Delvecchio's watch. The U.S.-based franchise with the most Stanley Cups was derided as the Dead Wings. After owner Bruce Norris fired Delvecchio and hired Lindsay in March 1977, Delvecchio was devastated, declared he was "ticked off" and decided "the hell with 'em." That was harsh talk from a respected, classy and even-keeled hockey figure who three times won and three other times nearly won the Lady Byng Trophy for sportsmanship and gentlemanly conduct. The bad blood faded when Little Caesars founder Mike Ilitch purchased the franchise for a pittance from Norris five years later. Delvecchio spent time in the broadcast booth in the 1980s (sometimes subbing for an ailing Abel). His number was retired in the 1990s (in a dual ceremony with Lindsay). His statue was unveiled in the 2000s (two days before Lindsay's). He was included in the festivities after teams captained by Yzerman or Lidstrom won four Stanley Cups (appearing with Howe and Lindsay). Delvecchio appreciated it all. When his No. 10 jersey was hung with Lindsay's No. 7 from the Joe Louis Arena rafters before roaring fans in 1991 — joining Howe's No. 9 retired in 1972 — Delvecchio declared: "I've been inducted into the Hall of Fame, I've won Stanley Cups, but this is better." This article originally appeared on Detroit Free Press:Alex Delvecchio, Detroit Red Wings legend, dies at 93

Alex Delvecchio, Hall of Famer and Detroit Red Wings legend, dies at 93

Alex Delvecchio, Hall of Famer and Detroit Red Wings legend, dies at 93 The last surviving star from Detroit's greatest sports dynasty, ...

 

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